Qualitative research findings: Libyan Women post-2011.

Sofija Ftes completed a Masters research project at the University of Cambridge examining the position(s) of Libyan women post-2011. Ms Ftes contacted Jusoor Centre for Studies and Development to provide a summary of her qualitative research findings. She interviewed Libyan women from diverse professional backgrounds to ask about the impact of the 2011 revolution on their lives.

The age of interviewees fell between the range of 20 to 60 years old. Twenty-three working women and four working men were interviewed as part of the study. Eighteen women were chosen because they had been working before and after the revolution in a variety of different professional sectors. These include healthcare, education, engineering, law, business, human rights, banking, management and media. Other respondents, though, had only started working after the revolution because the uprising created new opportunities for them. Six female interviewees had been or still are working for international organizations. Moreover, five of them are founders or co-founders of different non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Most respondents were involved in the revolution to some extent and could compare Gaddafi’s regime to the aftermath of the revolution which is the focus of the research.

The Arab Spring changed the lives of many, leaving a major impact on the female population. Although men and women were considered equal under law under Gaddafi’s regime, gender inequality was and still is an important issue in Libya’s male-dominated society. The Libyan revolution had both positive and negative effects on women’s lives – especially on their professional careers and opportunities, their political, economic, and social involvement, as well as their freedom and safety.

Before the revolution, Libyan women were underrepresented in the social, political and economic sectors. Post-revolution, Libya created new opportunities for some women by enabling them to enter the job market and progress within the professional environment. The uprising brought international organizations into the country that acknowledged and pursued human rights practices. Women also started volunteering to assist children who lost their parents during the 2011 revolution, widows whose husbands died during the revolution, and rebels who were injured during the conflict. Examples include a social activist Issra Abushaala who started volunteering for Save the Children organization, as well as Rawia Kharruba who worked as a translator/interpreter for the United Nations. Hana Abuzaid volunteered as an interpreter for different NGOs, which led her to her new job in a government Media office. Women also played a major role in the revolution by running different NGOs which focused on areas such as women’s rights, youth development, child protection, environmental protection and refugee assistance. A law student Hajer Sharief co-founded the Together We Build It organization that works on women and youth peace and security. Zahra Langhi founded The Libyan Women’s Platform for Peace (LWPP) to ensure that women remained a vital part of post-Gaddafi Libya, reinforcing inclusive transitions such as women’s rights, youth leadership, advancement and security as related to women’s political and economic participation, constitutional reform and education. Shahrazad Magrabi founded an organization called Libyan Women Forum(LWF) in order to empower women to participate in the future development of the country. The Voice of Libyan Women(VLW), founded by Alaa Murabit was initially focused on the political and economic empowerment of women. Additionally, Women in Libyan Leadership (WILL) Facebook group was created in 2013 to reinforce Libyan women’s role in socio-economic development allowing women in Libya to discuss and initiate projects related to women empowerment.

Civil society was close to non-existent under the Gaddafi regime. There was no free press, no real trade union and no political opposition because the country’s political and legal framework banned any form of civil society activity. During the Gaddafi era, which was an authoritarian regime, there were no independent women’s organizations. Anyone permitted to work on behalf of women’s rights had to do so within the framework of the state. As a result, women’s groups were closely linked to the state and were permitted to cooperate only with international women’s organizations that had been sanctioned by the government. The revolution raised awareness of the existence of women’s rights organizations, and now it is during post-revolution Libya that these institutions are creating new opportunities for women. Omnia Tayari used the opportunity and co-founded the Environmental Friends of Libya organization with the mission to protect the environment. Shortly afterwards, she established an IT training company called Mazadah. Tayari emphasized that she probably would not have started these movements if the revolution did not take place. During interviews conducted with Libyan women for the purposes of the research, many of them claimed that new organizations established in the country, created gender equality awareness through campaigning and lobbying with hopes to change Libyan people’s mentalities. Among the interviewees, women did agree that with the establishment of these organizations, more women became interested in the political, social and economic matters of the state. As a result, the political and social involvement of Libyan women greatly increased.

Furthermore, many women claimed that the revolution encouraged them to open their own businesses such as law firms, catering companies, startups, and online retail entities. For instance, a corporate lawyer, Hala Bugaighis opened her own law firm. Additionally, Nessrin Gaddah saw the revolution as an opportunity to initiate an online advertising group called Tripoli, Where Can I Find ? Although the uprising created hope for many, it also had negative effects on some careers. As some interviewees remarked, some work spaces were attacked and closed. Also, multinational corporations left the country and as a result, staff became redundant. Certain careers that required frequent travel effectively forced many women to quit their jobs, mainly because of the lack of free movement and safety in the country. Furthermore, opportunities for travel and training abroad were prioritized and offered to Libyan men. Hajer Elkot, a female doctor working at the Ministry of Health, claimed that although medical training abroad was offered to both men and women, many women were reluctant to accept the opportunity for security reasons, as well as fear of judgement by the society. Isra Abdussalam, an office manager and follow up director working at Alshada pharmaceutical company claimed that the revolution had a negative impact on her organization. The prices of pharmaceutical drugs have drastically increased, and the goods are not delivered in a timely manner, which makes it difficult to successfully sell the products. Sawsan Hanish, an ex-director of family development department at the Ministry of Social Affairs claimed that the turmoil greatly increased the amount of work for the social ministry in terms of state assistance, however the institution lacks the resources and trained staff to handle these issues.

There was an agreement among the respondents that Libyan women’s interest in politics greatly increased since the 2011 revolution. When the revolution started, women decided to take part in politics to ensure their involvement in drafting the new constitution. The elections that took place in 2012 showed that the number of Libyan women who took part, applied, got elected and voted was higher than expected. Unfortunately, the second election that took place in 2014 had a much lower turnout. A human rights activist Salwa Bugaighis who publicly encouraged women to vote was murdered, thus triggering fear amongst women who wished to participate in the political sphere. The early promise women were given about having equal political rights with men in post-revolution Libya has been replaced with a rising extremism – justified by increasingly conservative views that women must only be involved in domestic affairs. When a 10 percent women’s quota in the first draft election law was abolished by the Transitional National Council (NTC), LWPP proposed an alternative, more inclusive electoral law. They proposed a mixed electoral system that would ensure inclusive representation in the Constitutional Assembly.

The conflict is still ongoing in Libya, the country lacks a stable government and proper security. The lives of the entire population are threatened. Militias in the country pose threats to women’s safety restricting both their movement and their freedom. Interviewees claimed to know many women who stopped working since the revolution for security reasons such as fear of being kidnapped, fear of an attack by militias at the workplace itself, and their husband’s or father’s restriction imposed on them to protect them. Magrabi was threatened, and as a result, was forced to leave the country and thus relocate the LWF organization to Cairo. Women in Libya are not only afraid of militias, but are also afraid of the religious extremists that oppose women having careers. Thus, women are afraid to portray their professional success on public media since they do not want to attract attention and become the target of attacks or assassinations. This creates difficulties for women running their own businesses since it reduces publicity.

Although women’s interest and involvement in various professional sectors increased since the revolution, some women relocated to different corporate branches in other countries because of the security situation. Asma Kenshil, relocated from Libya before the conflict began and is currently residing in Canada recollected that a few of her ex-colleagues were held at gunpoint outside their places of work, resulting in some relocating to Canada, Tunisia and the United Kingdom to pursue their careers while at the same time ensuring their safety. A former English teacher, Awisha Bashir, left Libya with her family because she did not feel safe anymore. A Libyan female banker left Libya in 2014 because her offices were attacked. She emphasized that the revolution brought her career to a standstill. Since many female social activists were murdered, threatened or forced to leave Libya, some women started retreating from public exposure. However, there are women who run home businesses to keep their careers running or to simply improve their financial situations which have worsened since the revolution. There are certain Facebook pages belonging to women’s rights organizations in Libya that have not been active since 2014. Kidnappings and assassinations have triggered fear among many female social activists.

Since the conflict is still not over in Libya, it is too early to confidently state whether the Arab Spring has had more of a positive or negative effect on working women in Libya. Liberal feminist epistemology suggests that there was a common feminist identity among Libyan women during the 2011 revolution. They came together and established women’s rights organizations since they saw the uprising as an opportunity to highlight their feminist values and gain equality with men in both the public and private spheres. The liberal feminist discourse allows Libyan women to believe that there is a possibility the revolution will change people’s mentalities and break the patriarchal norms that have long existed in Libyan culture. If the mentalities of people change, this could result in breaking the patriarchal norms thus eliminating the rising extremism of the militias. This would then ensure that the overall impact of the Libyan revolution on women will most likely be positive. Until then, Libyan women are struggling against the remains of a patriarchal attitude and they have been desperately seeking assistance from the UN to help improve women’s rights in post-revolutionary Libya.  Yusra Bennaji, a researcher at the natural resources governance institute, emphasized that men now encourage women to join the workforce, however it is mainly to improve the family’s financial situation. Evidently, this does not give women independence, since many of the male family members decide on the job women should take and their working hours. When asked about the hopes for the future of women’s rights, one of the WILL group admins, Hala Bugaighis, concluded:

In order for change to happen, social norms must be changed. People need to understand the true meaning of women’s empowerment, liberation, and independence. Although there is an increase in projects supporting women’s emancipation, the resistance will be present until the whole population understands the importance of women’s roles in the country’s economic and social development.

 

 

نحو السلام في فزان

تعمل السيدة تماضر الهودري مع مجموعة فزان، و هي منظمة تسعى لتمكين شباب المنطقة الجنوبية و إيصال اصواتهم للمجتمع المحلي و للدولي، تماضر تعمل على مشاريع تمكين المرأه في سبها

في حديث لها مع مجلة المفكرة ناقشنا معها اهداف هذه المجموعة و بشكل خاص بازار أنـت مبدعة وهو حدث يختص بصاحبات المشاريع الصغرى و المبتدئات وصاحبات المواهب والأفكارالإبداعية في عدة مجالات، ويهدف البرنامج لتقديم الدعم اللوجستي لأكبر عدد من التاجرات المبتدئات في سبها

في شهر سبتمبر الماضي انعقد بازار انت مبدعة في سبها الذي لاقى اهتماما محليا و كذلك دوليا في وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي

ما هو دور حضرتك في برنامج انت مبدعة؟

كنت عضوة في اللجنة التحضيرية ومسؤولة عن جناح التصوير الفوتوغرافي في المعرض

ما هي أهداف هذا البرنامج ؟

صمم البرنامج لتحقيق العديد من الأهداف

أولا ، تحفيز المواهب النسائية بسبها
ثانيا ، دعم التاجرات المبتدئات لاشهار تجارتهن واظهارها للمجتمع وتعريف المجتمع بهن
ثالثا ، الترفيه عن العائلات والفتيات وتلبية احتياجاتهن
رابعا ، محاولات ربط التواصل مع داعمين لدعم المشروعات الصغيرة للتاجرات المبتدئات

ما هو تأثير هذا البرنامج على المرأة الليبية في سبها؟

كان ليه تأثير كبير لاظهار تجارة النساء والفتيات على مستوى اكبر و إعطائهن دفعة للاستمرارفي العمل و الإبداع، الآن بعد 4 أشهر من انتهاء البازار لاحظنا بروز اغلب التاجرات المشاركات في البازار ورواج منتجاتهن وانطلاقهن في مشاريعهن الخاصة

ما هي التحديات التي تواجه المرأة الليبية في سبها؟

من اهم التحديات اللي تواجه المرأة في سبها ، انعدام الأمن هو العامل الاول الذي يعرقل مشاركة المرأة و من ثم يأتي انعدام عامل انعدام الحوافز و التشجيع لعمل المرأة

في لقاءنا مع أحد نشطاء مدينة سبها وصف الحدث بأنه  أرجع الحياة للمدينة و أعطى قوة لنسائها في رأيك ما هو دور المرأة في بناء السلام في سبها؟ و هل برامج مثل انت مبدعة تساهم في بناء السلام في المدينة؟

فعلا ، بازار انت مبدعة لاقى قبول كبير على مستوى المدينة ، و ساهم بإعادة الحياة الى المدينة، نحن بحاجة للكثير من هذا النوع من البرامج من فترة الى اخرى ، التي بالتأكيد ليها دور كبيرفي دعم النساء وبناء السلام في المدينة

هل لديكم رسالة تريدون ارسالها من خلال هذا البرنامج للمسؤلين و الجهات المحلية و الدولية؟

أتمنى من الجهات المسؤولة والمنظمات الدولية الاهتمام بنا أكثر و مساعدتنا و دعمنا في المواسم القادمة لاقامة مثل هذه البرامج
البازار كان يحتوي على 16 جناح تختص في التصميم والأشغال اليدوية والمطبوعات والمأكولات والحلويات والمكياج والتجميل والتصوير بالاضافة لجناح لبيع الازياء والمأكولات المغربية

مثل هذه البرامج تستحق الدعم لانها تساهم في التنمية الاقتصادية محلياً وتعود بفائدة على المجتمع بشكل عام وعلى المشاركات بشكل خاص

مجلة المفكرة توجه رسالة شكر للانسة تماضر الهودري على إجراء هذه المقابلة معنا، و نحن نأمل ان تصل رسالة مجموعة فزان و اعمالها من اجل السلام في ليبيا

Peacebuilding in Fezzan, Libya.

Ms. Tumadar El-Hodeiri works for a peacebuilding organisation in Fezzan, Libya which aims to empower young people and ensure their voices are heard by the national and international community. In an interview with “Al-Mufaqira Journal”, we spoke to her about the goals of the organisation and the “You have talent” bazaar which took place late last year. The event “You have talent” gives women entrepreneurs, novices and young female talent the chance to showcase their creative works. The event is part of a program to provide logistical support to a larger group of women traders in Sebha. Last year in September, the “You have talent” bazaar took place, and it gained considerable regional and national attention via social media sites.

Al-Mufaqira: What was your role in the “You have talent” bazaar?

Ms. Tumadar El-Hodeiri: I was a member of the organising committee and responsible for taking photos during the bazaar.

Al-Mufaqira: What are the goals of the bazaar?

Ms. Tumadar El-Hodeiri: The bazaar is part of a program designed to achieve several goals. First, to encourage women in Sebha to showcase their talents to society. Second, to support new women traders to showcase their talents to the wider community. Third, to provide some enjoyment and entertainment for families including young girls in the city. Fourth, to connect investors with young women entrepreneurs to provide greater business support for their projects.

Al-Mufaqira: What was the impact of this program on Libyan women in Sebha?

Ms. Tumadar El-Hodeiri: It had a big impact on showcasing the talents of women and girls on a larger scale, giving them a greater boost to continue their work and creativity. Now four months after the bazaar, we have noticed that many more women traders have started up their own businesses.

Al-Mufaqira: What are the challenges facing women in the Libyan city of Sebha?

Ms. Tumadar El-Hodeiri: One of the biggest challenges facing women in Sebha is the lack of security which hinders women’s participation. After this comes the lack of encouragement for women’s economic participation by society.

Al-Mufaqira: In a meeting with an activist from the city of Sebha, the event was described as “having returned life to the city” and “given strength to women”. In your opinion, what is the role of women in peace building? And do programs like “You have talent” help to bring peace to the city?

Ms. Tumadar El-Hodeiri: “You have talent” bazaar was welcomed and appreciated by many people in the city, and it certainly contributed to returning life to the city. We need more initiatives like this that certainly have an impact in supporting women and in peacebuilding processes in the city.

Al-Mufaqira: Do you have a message to send, through this initiative, to the local, national and international authorities?

Ms. Tumadar El-Hodeiri: I hope the authorities in charge of international organizations will pay more attention and support us in these entrepreneurial endeavours. This bazaar hosted work in design, crafts, prints, cosmetics and photography in addition to a market for selling fashionable clothes and Moroccan culinary specialties. These initiatives deserve support because they contribute to local economic development, and they benefit society and of course the women participants.

Al-Mufaqira Journal would like to thank Ms. Tumadar El-Hodeiri for conducting this interview with us, and we hope that her work in peacebuilding reaches audiences in Libya.

Giving a Voice to Minority Women in Libya: An Interview with Asma Khalifa and Inas Miloud.

Asma Khalifa and Inas Miloud, founders of Tamazight Women Movement (TWM), a women’s empowerment organization based in Libya, spoke to Al-Mufaqira Journal to discuss the founding of TWM, gender-based violence (GBV), intersectionality, social divisions, the challenges facing women and their hopes of a better future.

Al-Mufaqira: Why did you decide to establish an organisation for Amazigh women?

Asma and Inas: We both came together as Amazigh women activists as we knew there was no women’s rights organisations that focus on Amazigh women’s experiences and challenges in Libya. Additionally, research on Libyan Amazigh women is virtually non-existent. By founding TWM, we have been trying to shed light on Amazigh women issues not only in the Nafousa Mountains and Zuwarah but also in southern Libya where there are Tuareg and Tebu communities.

In the TWM, we use many feminist theories but the theory of intersectionality made us specialise our work on indigenous women in Libya. However, we work with everyone and want to support men and women interested in advancing the Libyan women’s movement. Still to this day, the stories of indigenous women remain missing from the national discourse and we are working towards changing that.

Al-Mufaqira: What specific challenges face Amazigh Libyan women in comparison to Arab Libyan women?

Asma and Inas: There are various challenges across sectors, women’s issues are different in Libya from one city to another. For instance, women in the Nafousa Mountains live in a conservative rural area with little connections to Tripoli to allow them to participate in political and social life. Their voices and problems are therefore unheard in the public and social spheres. Some Tuareg and Tebu women in southern Libya are not even recognised as “citizens”, which means that they are structurally excluded from access to education, health and basic necessities.

However, it is important to remember that all social groups in Libya have at one point been marginalised by the system. But we stress that indigenous groups face double discrimination on a systemic level and a cultural level. The Amazigh identity is under constant threat from political ideologies like pan-Arabism. Our mothers and aunts grew up in a society where they had no right to speak their mother tongue in public spaces. Many Amazigh Libyans were detained and prosecuted simply for expressing their identity as well.

Al-Mufaqira: What work have you done to combat gender-based violence (GBV)?

Inas: The TWM underlines the existence of GBV in Libya as it is a topic that many do not wish to discuss. At TWM, we deal with GBV on an intersectional level to show how Amazigh Libyan women experience GBV differently to Libyan women living in different geographical or socioeconomic zones. To a lot of people’s dismay, some Amazigh Libyans do not speak Arabic which means that if a woman experiences GBV, it is doubly difficult for her to get the help needed due to a cultural stigma, but also a language barrier. TWM wants to engage with these issues, by discussing them in the open and showing how recognition of the Amazigh language in public spaces is needed.

Al-Mufaqira: On the topic of GBV, what are your views about the recent video circulating online of a Libyan girl being raped by a Libyan man?

Asma and Inas: Rape is a war crime and it is terrible that the violation of a woman’s body and humanity is being used for dirty political gains. However, sometimes our Libyan society needs a shocking incident to awaken it to the lived reality of GBV. Everyone pretends that we do not have a morality crisis on a personal or societal level, but we certainly do.

Women’s bodies are the first territory to be violated in wars because it represents so much to women and the community. Rape happens frequently in Libya and more so inside women’s homes than outside of them, but everyone keeps silent about it. Additionally, women’s bodies are seen to belong to everyone else except women and therefore committing rape punishes women by taking away their space and agency. In the MENA region, rape is considered equivalent to murder because it breaks society into pieces and has profound ramifications even during the post-war period.

Al-Mufaqira: What do you think needs to be done to stop GBV? And do you think it is linked to other forms of violence, abuse and intolerance in Libyan society?

Asma and Inas: Of course, GBV is an epidemic disease that is linked to many other forms of violence. In Libya, we personally think we need to have the “taboo” discussions and break down the many walls that prevent us from treating the root causes of GBV. We are still reluctant to ask why men harass, molest, rape women since these “taboo topics” are linked to issues like sexuality, repression of men and women’s bodies until marriage, gender segregation and the structurally-ingrained gendered power relations in Libya.

Now, we lack the safe spaces to have these difficult discussions, but until we can have them our work is mainly about making people aware that GBV is a bad thing without addressing its root causes.

Al-Mufaqira: Why are there such profound divides among Libyans? Where does this tribal divisive cultural thinking and rejection of the “other” come from? And how can it be overcome?

Asma and Inas: This is a historic and geographical issue. Libya is a big country with a small population which means that every group lived its own version of reality, cocooned in a tribe or region. We have never been a nation state because the nation was divided by the Romans and then each colonial force (including the Ottomans) treated each region or tribe differently from another. They contributed significantly to the creation of hierarchical structures amongst the Libyan populace.

Al-Mufaqira: Interesting. But why have these tribal structures been perpetuated?

Asma and Inas: The reason why these divisions continue to exist is because each side thinks it has witnessed a unique set of injustices. Multiple incidents occurred and injustices varied across the country but everyone faced them. We must admit these truths or we risk being trapped in a vicious circle of violence, resentment and condemnation. We must knowledge our past and our mistakes to heal together.

Al-Mufaqira: Thank you for this interesting point on reconciliation. But how can we create a more tolerant society? Do you think that it comes, for instance, by encouraging more Amazigh and Arab marriages or friendships?

Asma and Inas:  This is a reflective question being posed across the world today. We think that fear lies at the centre of all of this. There are already marriages and friendships among Amazigh and Arab Libyans, but what the Amazigh fear is that they will lose their identity, and what many of the Arabs fear is straying away from the sole accepted identity which is the Arab-Muslim one.

Both Amazigh and Arabs are afraid of each other due to a long history of discrimination and Arabization. Many Arabs fear greater ethnic diversity due to their own nationalist rhetoric from pan-Arabism. It has not united the Arabs and this creates hostility towards the thought of Amazigh and Kurds being given more rights.

Al-Mufaqira: What are your hopes for the future? And how do you keep yourself motivated doing the work you do?

Asma and Inas: Like many activists, we have a weird relationship with hope, sometimes we think we must create it, other times we are in a dark space.

But what we hope for and fast is that more Libyans realise that this war will solve nothing and will be motivated to work actively towards peace.

Asma: For the past 6 years, I have had many burn outs during the year. Now, I have less of them and more desire to work because I take breaks to breath and digest the changes and shifts around me.  However, I cannot sit still when I see the suffering in my country which makes me take unwise decisions. I am still training myself to be pro-active and do my work constructively as well as sometimes just push myself out of bed in the morning.

Al-Mufaqira Journal would like to thank Ms. Asma Khalifa and Ms. Inas Miloud for conducting this interview with us, and we hope that the message of TWM reaches our audiences. To learn more about TWM, visit the organisations Facebook page https://www.facebook.com/tamazightwomanmovement/.

منح صوت لنساء الأقليات في ليبيا : مقابلة مع اسماء خليفة و إيناس ميلود

أسماء خليفة وإيناس ميلود مؤسسات حركة النساء الأمازيغية، و هي منظمة لتمكين المرأه في ليبيا. في حديث مع  مجلة “المفكرة” ناقشن فكرة تأسيس حركة النساء الأمازيغية، العنف القائم على أساس الجنس،  الانقسامات الإجتماعية،و التحديات التي تواجه النساء و تطلعاتهم لمستقبل أفضل

المفكرة: لماذا قررتم تأسيس منظمة للنساء الأمازيغيات؟

أسماء و إيناس : كلانا نساء أمازيغيات و حقوقيات، و نعلم بأنه لا توجد أي منظمة تركز على التجارب والصعوبات التي تواجه النساء الأمازيغيات في ليبيا، بالإضافة الي ذلك البحوث  و اللدراسات على النساء الأمازيغيات الليبيات شبه معدومة

بتأسيس هذه الحركة نحاول تسليط الضوء على قضايا المرأه الأمازيغية ليس فقط في  جبل نفوسة و زوارة، و لكن بحوثنا تتضمن مجتمع التابو و الطوارق المتواجد في جنوب ليبيا

في حركة النساء الأمازيغيات نستخدم عدة نظريات نسوية، إلا أن نظرية التقاطعية ميزت عملنا على النساء من الشعوب الأصلية داخل ليبيا. و مع ذلك نحن نعمل مع الجميع رجالا و نساء و من يرغب في دفع الحركة النسوية في ليبيا. و لا يزال حتى يومنا هذا قصص نساء الشعوب الأصلية مفقودة من الخطاب الوطني، و نحن نعمل على تغيير ذلك

المفكرة: ما هي التحديات التي تواجه المرأه الليبية الأمازيغية تحديدا بالمقارنه مع المرأه الليبية العربية؟

أسماء و إيناس : هناك تحديات مختلفة في مختلف القطاعات، مصاعب النساء في ليبيا تختلف من مدينة الى اخري، على سبيل المثال، النساء في جبل نفوسة يعشن في مناطق ريفية  و محافظة مع اتصال ضعيف بالعاصمة طرابلس , و هذا لم يمكنهن من المشاركة في الحياة السياسية و الإجتماعية.  و بالتالي فإن مشاكلهن و أصواتهن غير مسموعة على الصعيد الاجتماعي و السياسي

في جنوب ليبيا بعض الطوارق و التبو لم يتم الاعتراف بهم “كمواطنين”، الأمر الذي أدى الى استبعادهم هيكليا من الحصول على التعليم و الصحة و الضروريات الأساسية

و مع ذلك فمن المهم ان نتذكر ان جميع الفئات الإجتماعية في ليبيا تم تهميشها في نقطة ما من قبل النظام. و لكن نحن نؤكد ان الجماعات الأصلية تواجه تمييزا مضاعف على المستوي المنهجي و الثقافي. الهوية الأمازيغية تحت تهديد مستمر من قبل الأيدلوجيات السياسية مثل القومية العربية، حيث أن امهاتنا و عماتنا كبرن في مجتمع منعهن من تحدث لغتهن الأم في الأماكن العامة. أيضا قد تم إعتقال العديد من الليبين الأمازيغ و تمت محاكمتهم لمجرد محاولتهم للتعبير عن هويتهم

المفكرة: ما العمل الذي قمتم به لمكافحة العنف القائم على أساس الجنس؟

إيناس: حركة النساء الأمازيغيات أكدت على وجود العنف على أساس الجنس في ليبيا ، ولا يرغب الكثير في مناقشة هذا الموضوع و في الحركة نحن نتعامل مع هذه الظاهرة على مستوى متعدد الجوانب لإظهار كيف يمكن للمرأه الليبية الأمازيغية التعرض للعنف الجنسي بشكل مختلف عن المرأه الليبية العربية التي تعيش في مناطق جغرافية أو اجتماعية أو اقتصادية مختلفة
و ما أثار فزع الكثير أن بعض الأمازيغ الليبين لا يتحدثون العربية مما يعني إذا تعرضت امرأه امازيغية للتعنيف الجنسي، فستكون هناك صعوبة مضاعفة عليها للحصول على المساعدة اللازمة ليس فقط بسبب الوصمة الإجتماعية، بل حاجز اللغة

حركة النساء الأمازيغيات تريد ان تتعامل مع هذه القضايا من خلال مناقشتهم  في العلن لتوضح كم هو مهم  الاعتراف باللغة الأمازيغية و استخدامها في الأماكن العامة

المفكرة: حول موضوع العنف الجنسي، ماهي وجهة نظرك حول الفيديو الاخير الذي تم تداوله على الانترنت لفتاة ليبية تم إغتصابها من قبل رجل ليبي؟

أسماء و إيناس : الاغتصاب جريمة حرب،و انه لا أمر مروع ان يتم إنتهاك جسد و إنسانية  إمرأه لتحقيق مكاسب سياسية قذرة

و لكن في بعض الأحيان، مجتمعنا الليبي بحاجة الى هكذا حادث مروع لإنقاظه الى حقيقة ان العنف الجنسي موجود. الجميع يدعي انه ليس لدينا أزمة أخلاق على الصعيد الشخصي و الاجتماعي، و لكنها موجودة بالتأكيد

النساء يمثلن النسبة الكبيرة من ضحايا العنف في أماكن النزاعات المسلحة و في الحروب و ذلك لما تمثل من أهمية للنساء و المجتمع و الإغتصاب يحدث بشكل متكرر في ليبيا، و ذلك داخل منازل النساء أكثر من خارجها و لكن الجميع يلتزم في الصمت حول ذلك

و بالإضافة الى ذلك، ينظر الى أجساد النساء على انها تنتمي الى الجميع بإستثناء المرأة، لذلك ارتكاب جريمة الاغتصاب تعاقب عليها النساء في منطقة الشرق الأوسط و شمال أفريقيا، و جريمة الإغتصاب تعادل جريمة القتل لأنها تكسر المجتمع، و لها تداعيات عميقة حتى في مرحلة ما قبل الحرب

المفكرة: ما رأيك فيما يجب القيام به لوقف العنف الجنسي؟ و هل تعتقدي بأنه مرتبط بأشكال اخرى من العنف كسوء المعاملة و عدم التسامح داخل المجتمع الليبي؟

أسماء و إيناس : بالتأكيد، العنف الجنسي هو وباء يرتبط بالعديد من أنواع العنف الأخرى، في ليبيا نحن شخصيا نعتقد أنه علينا مناقشة “المحرمات” و كسر العديد من الحواجز التي تمنعنا من معالجة الأسباب الجذرية للعنف الجنسي، نحن مازلنا نتردد ان نسأل لماذا الرجال يضايقون و يتحرشون و يغتصبون النساء لأنها “مواضيع محرمة”ترتبط بالحياة الجنسية و القمع الجسدي عند الرجال و النساء حتي الزواج و الفصل بين الجنسين في ليبيا

الأن، نحن نفتقر الى أماكن آمنه للقيام بمثل هذه النقاشات الصعبة، و لكن حتى نتمكن من ذلك، سيكون عملنا الأساسي توعية الناس عن مساوئ العنف الجنسي دون معالجة أسبابه الجذرية

المفكرة: لماذا يوجد هذا التقسيم العميق بين الليبيين؟ و من أين تأتي الثقافة القبلية الإنقسامية في التفكير و رفض “الأخرين”؟ و كيف يمكن التغلب عليها؟

أسماء و إيناس: هذه قضية تاريخية و جغرافية، ليبيا دولة كبيرة بكثافة سكنية صغيرة، مما يعني ان كل مجموعة عاشت في عالمها الخاص، تحت غطاء القبيلة أو المنطقة.  لم نكن أبدا دولة واحدة لأن الشعب قد تم تقسيمه من قبل الرومانين و أي قوة إستعمارية اخرى (بمن فيهم العثمانيين) عاملوا كل منطقة أو قبيلة بطريقة مختلفة عن الاخرى و قد ساهموا بصورة كبيرة في خلق هيكلية هرمية مابين الشعب الليبي

المفكرة: مثير للإهتمام! و لكن لماذا تم البقاء على هذه الهيكلية القبلية ؟

أسماء و إيناس: السبب الذي أدى الى إستمرارية هذه الإنقسامات أن كل جهة تعتقد أنه تعرضت إلى ظلم يميزها عن باقي المجموعات،ولكن الظلم وقع على الجميع في مختلف أنحاء البلاد، و هذه حقائق يجب ان نعترف بها و الا سنظل محاصرين في حلقة مفرغة من العنف و الضغينة و الإستنكار. لابد من أن نعترف بماضينا و أخطائنا لمداواة هذه الشروخ في مجتمعنا

المفكرة: شكرا على إثارة هذه النقطة المهمة عن المصالحة، و لكن كيف يمكننا خلق مجتمع متسامح أكثر؟ على سبيل المثال هل تعتقدن ان هذا المجتمع سيأتي عندما يتم تشجيع الزواج و الصداقات بين الأمازيغ و العرب؟

أسماء و إيناس: هذا سؤال إنعكاسي يتم طرحه في جميع أنحاء العالم اليوم، نحن نعتقد ان الخوف يكمن وسط كل ذلك، هناك بالفعل زواجات و صداقات بين الأمازيغ و العرب الليبين، و لكن ما يقلق الأمازيغ هو خسارة هويتهم، و ما يقلق العديد من العرب هو ان يتوهوا بعيدا عن الهوية الوحيده المقبولة

 الأمازيغ و العرب يخافون من بعضهم و هذا يرجع الى تاريخ طويل من العنصرية و التعريب حيث أن العديد من العرب يخافون من التنوع العرقي هذا لما يوحدنا مع العرب بل خلق العداوة نحو فكرة ان الأماريغ و الأكراد يمكن منحهم حقوق أكثر

المفكرة: ماهي تطلعاتكم للمستقبل؟ و كيف تبقون أنفسكم متحفزات على العمل الذي تقومون به؟

أسماء و إيناس: كالعديد من النشطاء، لدينا علاقة غريبة مع الأمل، أحيانا يجب علينا أن نصنعه لأنفسنا، و أحيانا نكون في أماكن مظلمة و بدون أمل

و لكن ما نتمناه أن يحدث بسرعة هو أن الليبين يدركون ان هذه الحرب لن تحل شيئا، و ان يتم دفعهم للعمل بإتجاه السلام

أسماء: خلال 6 سنوات التي مضت تم إحباطي في الكثير من المرات، الأن عدد مرات الإحباط قد قل و قد ازداد حماسي اتجاه العمل لأنني اكتسبت خبرة  قفي كيفية منح نفسي  فترات راحة, لأتمكن من التنفس و استيعاب التغييرات التي تحدث من حولي، و لكن مع ذلك، لا يمكنني عدم التصرف عندما أرى بلدي تعاني بهذه الطريقة مما قد يجبرني على إتخاذ بعض القرارات الخاطئة

و لا أزال أدرب نفسي على ان أكون إستباقية و أنجز عملي بطريقة بناءة و لكن في بعض الأحيان أجد صعوبة في النهوض من فراشي كل صباح

مجلة  المفكرة توجه رسالة شكر للانسةأسماء خليفة و الأنسة إيناس ميلود على إجراء هذه المقابلة معنا، و نحن نأمل ان تصل رسالةحركة النساء الأماريغيات جمهورنا، للمزيد عن حركة النساء الأمازيغية زوروا صفحة المنظمة على الفيسبوك

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